Tag Archives: President Barack Obama

New dietary guidelines to change the course on national nutrition policy

A nutritional advisory committee commissioned by the Obama administration released its highly anticipated federal food report last week, proposing new dietary initiatives that will ultimately alter the discourse of national nutrition policy.

In an attempt to ‘transform the food system’, the 570-page Dietary Guidelines Advisory Committee report was presented to the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services and the Department of Agriculture, as recommendations cited within the document will be utilized by both departments to establish new dietary guidelines. These new nutritional initiatives will also serve as the foundation for federal food funding and school lunch programs, which costs $16 billion dollars annually.

So what exactly are these new dietary guidelines suggesting?

Well, for starters, the dietary recommendations suggest three-to-five cups of coffee a day, as studies have shown that drinking a moderate amount of coffee can reduce the risk of Type 2 diabetes and cardiovascular disease. Additives to coffee such as cream and sugar should be regulated, as these, according to the advisory committee, can cause increased caloric intake and weight gain.

Controlling one’s cholesterol has been a constant dietary theme, as present nutritional instruction suggests limiting cholesterol intake to 300 milligrams a day. However, the advisory committee overturned the recommendation on limiting cholesterol, as it could not find a substantive relationship between dietary cholesterol and cholesterol in the blood.

The panel of nutritional experts also recommended that the government should consider the environment when advising Americans on what to eat. With this nutritional tip, there should be a promotion of more vegetables and fruits and meat within the American diet, as integrating these dietary measures can secure long-term food sustainability and security for present and future generations.

The report also noted that beef was the single food with the greatest impact on the environment, due to its production of greenhouse gases.

However, Republican Iowa Senator Chuck Grassley and some meat industry producers have a serious ‘beef’ with the committee’s less meat approach.

“Generations of cattle farmers and ranchers have been and continue to be conscientious about conserving limited natural resources,” said Sen. Grassley to FoxNews.com. “They rely on the land and the environment for their livelihood. Those facts get lost in Washington and in arguments that eating red meat hurts the environment.”

Perceiving the committee’s rhetoric as non-meat friendly, the National Cattlemen’s Beef Association released a statement, noting that “lean beef is one of the most nutrient rich foods, providing high levels of essential nutrients such as zinc, iron and protein, as opposed to empty calories.”

The North American Meat Institute (NAMI), which is the oldest and largest trade organization association representing U.S. packers and processors of beef, pork, lamb, veal, and turkey, also thrashed the report, claiming it to be ‘flawed’ and ‘nonsensical’.

The NAMI President and CEO Barry Carpenter also accused the panel of overstepping its boundaries, stating that the committee’s “foray into the murky waters of sustainability is well beyond its scope and expertise” and added that it was “unfortunate” that the committee was “generalizing about an entire category of foods.”

Modern Hindrances to Pan-Africanism as a Movement

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 …I said that just as the American Jew is in political, economic, and cultural harmony with world Jewry, I was convinced that it was time for all Afro-Americans to join the world’s Pan-Africanists. I said that physically we Afro-Americans might remain in America, fighting for our Constitutional rights, but that philosophically and culturally we Afro-Americans badly needed to ‘return’ to Africa – and to develop a working unity in the framework of Pan-Africanism.” – Malcolm X (El-Hajj Malik El-Shabazz)

Pan-Africanism as a movement or a series of movements; as a discipline; as an ideology and as a universal unification mechanism for the resurgence of solidarity amongst African peoples—both continental and in the Diaspora—even in its contemporary phase advocates the notions of Pan-African consolidation and the political, social, economic and even psychological independence for African peoples historically and currently under colonial and neo-colonial regimes.

In an attempt to insert the aggregation of cultural, spiritual, artistic, scientific and philosophical African presence and legacies in a pervasive European culture of dogmatism and racial fanaticism, Pan-Africanism and the ‘politicization’ of the Movement, was championed, most notably, by greats such as W.E.B. Du Bois, Kwame Nkrumah, Marcus Garvey, Jomo Kenyatta and countless others who pioneered and participated in the affairs of the Movement. On its historical continuum, the Pan-Africanism Movement was able to thrive as it spawned into a series of movements, during a time where racial injustice, discrimination and prejudice was considered to be at one of its peaks.

With its maturation into modernity, the pervasive and persistent nature of Pan-Africanism – as a discipline, as a series of movements and as a universal unification tool – has seemingly fallen by the wayside; as generations of those who survived and fought the flagrancy of racism for hope of a universal African confederation has shifted to generations of African-Americans/Blacks/Africans of the Diaspora birthed in the ideologies of racial subtlety, race progression and the fallacy that is color-blindness.

In a neoteric age where capitalism, individualism and the notions of post-racial society reigns supreme, Pan-Africanism in its contemporary phase, acts as more an educational and historical ideology of the past; rather than a revolutionary and progressive political movement applicable to both past and present endeavors of Black/African global consolidation.

This paper is not written to deny Pan-African political consciousness in contemporary U.S. society; nor is it written to refute that work is currently being done to advance the Pan-Africanism Movement within the Diaspora. What this paper proposes and investigates are some of the modern hindrances of the Pan-Africanism Movement in the United States and the roadblocks which are prohibiting the progressive fervor of the Movement; or rather what St. Clair Drake describes as “racial-Pan Africanism in the United States…through the Black Power Movement and its attempt to achieve the criterion of unity with continental Pan-Africanism. (Walters, 1993, p. 55) Though “African-Americans [have] been a dynamic element in generating movement toward a world-wide African unity” (Walters, 1993, p. 54), this papers aims to pose why 1) the political process of the Pan-Africanism Movement has halted in modernity and 2) the possible hindrances that have caused both an intercontinental and intra continental divide between African-Americans and Africans to push for Pan-African consolidation.

Though only but three to four hindrances will be addressed throughout this paper, the foundations of this research will serves as a blueprint for future analysis on the modern hindrances of Pan-Africanism in the 21st century. Therefore, by addressing these hindrances are only but an attempt to reawaken and rehabilitate the Movement that is Pan-Africanism.

The following hindrances will be addressed in this paper:

  1. African/African-American Stereotypes, Stigmas and Biases
  2. Africa as Sub-Saharan
  3. Inter-regional Integration/Cooperation (or lack thereof): The N.A.A.C.P and the African Union
  4. Barack Obama and the Myth of a Post-Racial Society
  1. African/African-American Stereotypes, Stigmas and Biases

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Africa, as the world’s second largest and most populous continent, within itself comprises a spectrum of ethnicities, a range of histories, cultural expressions, peoples, lineages, languages and ancestral ties which accentuate the multifaceted and multifarious nature of the continent. Though this notion of Africa, as a diverse and heterogeneous entity may be obvious to some, the pervasive and perpetuated broadcasting of a one-dimensional Africa in the media has caused many to overlook the multifaceted nature of the continent. This ubiquitous transference of negative and one-dimensional imagery about Africa has not only survived from pre-colonial times but into modernity; its affects have caused both the Caucasian and the African-American alike to carry stigmas, stereotypes and biases about Africa.

Although these images of “helplessness, dependency and suffering may indeed be true”, (Mahadeo & McKinney, 2007) these notions are not representative of all the cultural space of Africa – but even with this concept, the highlighted imagery of Africa persists as it is widely disseminated. Here, the notion presented by Jo Ellen Fair, which states, “of all the world’s regions, Africa is the least understood by Americans” (Fair, 1993) can be applied; as “Africa and Africans have been invented historically and reinvented contemporarily.” (Fair, 1993) Stigmas and stereotypes of Africa and Africans such as “impoverished”, “famine-plague”, “full of war”, “jungle-covered”, “Aids-ridden”, “savage”, primitive”, “underdeveloped”, “tribal”, “corrupt” and “troubled” (Fair, 1993), have survived into modernity and have affected some African-Americans conscious outlook on Africa as a historical, cultural and contemporary space. Moreover, these stereotypes and stigmas are not only applicable or transferred by African-Americans but are also stigmas held by Africans about their intercontinental counterpart; as African-Americans are perceived by some Africans as ‘lazy’, ‘criminals’ or ‘without culture.’

In reference to Pan-Africanism, the stereotypes listed and the ideologies shared by African-Americans, Africans and even those within the Diaspora, pose as a modern hindrance to the Movement because these stanch ideologies and beliefs are rather proposed or favored over reinventing a formidable movement to contemporary Black solidification and unification. Though many members of the Movement in the 1960s faced similar “tensions between [the] two proud groups – Africans and African-Americans – in attempt in what St. Clair Drake describes as ‘groping’ (Walters, 1993, p.57), despite the cultural and societal differences, attempts and persistent thrusts to create and recognize Pan-Africanism as a political entity were made by several organizations such as the Organization of African Unity, the Student Non-Violent Coordinating Committee and the Pan-African Federation.

Although shared complexion does not automatically equate to racial solidarity, biases and stereotypes presents itself as a hindrance to contemporary Pan-Africanism as it can hinder Afro-centric political consciousness and formation in the Diaspora.

II. Africa as the Sub-Saharan

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The saying, “science does not exist in a vacuum,” can also be applied to Africa, as Africa does not exist in a vacuum; as it is ever growing, changing and evolving. Africa, comprised of 54 states, including islands and various territories, can be seen as an entity within itself but comprised of various regions. In regards to Africa territories today, Africa has been dubbed with the pejorative jargon ‘sub-Saharan’; which is a colonialist term described as “an euphemism for contemptuousness employed by the continent’s detractors to delineate between the Arab countries that make up North Africa from the 42 countries and the islands that make-up the rest of Africa.” (Onyeani, 2009) By virtue of the term sub-Saharan, this means North Africa consists of Algeria, Egypt, Libya, Morocco and Tunisia.

Here, sub-Saharan in regards to Pan-Africanism presents itself as a modern hindrance as it purports the notion of the reclamation of Africa to only consist of those who are ‘sub’ or ‘underneath’ the invisible border and not Africa as a whole. Sub-Saharan also excludes the “millions of indigenous Africans who are ethnic natives in Morocco, Algeria, Libya and Egypt.” (Onyeani, 2009) If Pan-Africanism enacts as not only as a unification but a liberatory mechanism from those under colonial rule in the Diaspora, even in its contemporary phase, should not be exclusionary of ‘Northern Africa’; but inclusionary of all Africa and the Diaspora.

‘Sub-Saharan Africa’, according to Owen ‘Alik’ Shahadah, is yet another racial construct. Shahadah writes:

“The notion of some invisible border, which divides the North of Africa from the South, is rooted in racism; which in part assumes that sand is an obstacle for African language and culture. This band of sand hence confines Africa to the bottom of a European imposed nation, which exists neither linguistically (Afro-Asiatic languages); ethnically (Tureg), politically (African Union, Arab League); economically (CEN-SAD) or physically (Sudan and Chad). The over-emphasis on sand as a defining feature in African history is grossly misleading, as culture, trade and languages do not stop when they meet geographic deserts. Thus, sub-Africa is another divisive vestige of colonial domination which balkanized Africa.” (Onyeani, 2009)

III. Inter-regional Integration/Cooperation (or lack thereof): The N.A.A.C.P and the African Union

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Although representing different Africans/Blacks of the Diaspora on different continents and with specify of their aims in regards to their missions (with the mission of the National Association of the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) is to “ensure the political, educational, social and economic equality of rights of all people to eliminate race-based discrimination”; and the African Union’s (AU) mission to be “an efficient and value-adding institution driving the African integration and development process in close collaboration  with African Union Member States, the Regional Economic Communities  and African citizens”) the NAACP and the African Union stand as pre-eminent organizations who were (and still are) crucial in advocating for the rights, liberties, justice and unification of Black/African peoples. (NAACP, 2013) (African Union, 2013)

Birthed from the Race Riots of 1908, founded in 1909 after the Niagara Falls Movement (with the name of National Negro Committee) and finally in 1910 converting its name to the NAACP, the NAACP stands as the largest and oldest civil rights organization. Founded by white abolitionists and Black scholars who opposed the wretchedness of racial injustice, the pioneers of the movement include the likes of W.E.B. Du Bois, Ida B. Wells-Barnett and Mary Church Terrell. Contributions of the NAACP include the fight against the onslaught of Jim Crow and disenfranchisement, the creation of the Legal Defense Fund, civil suits against desegregation, lynching, media and federal advocacy, economic opportunity, health education and more.

The African Union, formerly known as the Organization of African Unity (O.A.U), was founded under a charter “institutionalizing the movement for African unity and was launched with the following aims: a) to promote the unity and solidarity of the African states b) to coordinate and intensify their cooperation and efforts c) to achieve better life for the peoples of Africa d) to defend their sovereignty, their territorial integrity and independence e) to eradicate all forms of colonialisms from Africa ad f) to promote international co-operation, having due regard to the Charter of the United Nations and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights.” (Esedebe, 1982, pgs. 226-227)

In 1990, the O.A.U. shifted to the African Union and intensified their promotion of a regional integration perspective, as it advertised an “integrated, prosperous and peaceful Africa driven by its own citizens and representing a dynamic force in [the] global arena.” (Esedebe, 1982, p. 227) Consisting of 54 independent African states, the AU advocates ‘Pan-Africanism and the African Renaissance’, as it consists of a Pan-African Parliament and economic integration institutions such as the African Central Bank, the African Monetary Fund and the African Investment Bank.

Formidable in their own way on their perspective continents, both the NAACP and the African Union, present a modern hindrance to the Pan-Africanism Movement due to the lack of intercontinental integration, cooperation, organization and communication amongst the two groups. Although both groups advocate for the unification and the advancement of Black/African peoples, the NAACP and the AU focus on communal liberation, justice and unity for their respective domestic initiatives, issues and socio-economic and political values. But , I also argue that they also enact as individualistic entities; as they only focus on endeavors ranging on the interests of their continent and not the interests of Pan-Africanism within the Diaspora.

For example, one of the AU’s objectives is to “work with relevant international partners…in the eradication of preventable diseases and the promotion of good health on the continent.” (The African Union, 2013) Their many ‘continent-to-continent’ partnerships include Afro-Arab cooperation; the African-European Union partnership; the Africa-South America summits; and the Africa-Asia Sub-Regional Organizations Conference (AASROC). Their ‘continent-to-country partnerships’ also include India, Turkey, China, France and Korea; with prospective partnerships with the Caribbean, Iran and Australasia. Although the AU has the African-Growth Opportunity Act (AGOA) with the United States, which “offers tangible initiative for African countries to continue their efforts to open their economies and build-free markets”, no other connections or partnerships has been fortified with Black organizations in the Diaspora, including America. This notion includes the N.A.A.C.P., as it too in its contemporary phase, has lacked to connect or re-connect with African organizations such as the AU.

This proves to be a hindrance in the modern Pan-Africanism Movement in the Diaspora as organizations such as the AU and the NAACP only emphasize their individual African/Black issues; thus, excluding African/Black representation, consolidation and unity as an option.

This is why in July of 1964, Malcolm X (El-Hajj Malik El-Shabazz) told an O.A.U summit:

 “We in America, are your host brothers and sisters, and I am only to remind you that your problems are our problems. As the African-Americans “awaken” today, we find ourselves in a strange land that has rejected us, and, like the prodigal son we are turning to our elder brothers for help. We pray our pleas do not fall upon deaf ears…

 Your problems will never be solved until and unless ours are solved. You will never be fully respected unless we are also respected. You will never be recognized as free human beings until and unless we are also recognized and treated as human beings.”

(Esedebe, 1982, p. 233) (The African Union: A United and Strong Africa ) (Fair, 1993) (Onyeani, 2009 )

IV. Barack Obama and the Myth of a Post-Racial Society

POSTRACIALHEADER

The election of 44th President of the United States, Barack Obama, as the first African-American President, was not only a pivotal turning point in the history of the United States but it also ushered a new wave of politics; as many believed that the election of the first Black President in a American society (known for its paradigm of blatant racism, cruel prejudice and wretched bigotry) changed the landscape of race-relations in the United States of America.

Thus, this notion of a new political terrain, supposedly ‘unnerved and unscathed’ by race, has caused many Americans to believe in thoughts of the possibilities of a multi-democracy and the idea that America is now embarking towards becoming a ‘post-racial society.’

According to Cathy J. Cohen, author of  “Millenials and the Myth of the Post-Racial Society: Black Youth, Intra-generational Divisions and the Continuing Racial Divide in American Politics”, with this notion of a post-racial/multi-democracy society, some academics and journalist purport that “once millenials dominate the political arena, many of the thorny social issues that have caused a great debate and consternation among the American public will be resolved.” (Cohen, 2011) Cohen also writes that “this line of reasoning suggests that young people who embrace and personify a more inclusive society will eventually take over both policy-making and thought leadership, moving both in a more liberal direction.” (Cohen, 2011)

Although many minority youth reject or are “particularly suspicious of a post-racial anything” (Cohen, 2011) another truth emerges where many youth are not suspicious of the notion of a post-racial society; not only based on the election of President Obama but also based on the ‘lack’ of consistency of the onslaught of racism, the common acceptance of racial subtlety and race-relations as progressive.

The notions of a post-racial society as an ideology amongst the youth –specifically, Black youth—presents itself as a hindrance to Pan-Africanism as it disrupts the notion of a need for a current and contemporary age of Black/African consolidation. If Pan-Africanism in its emerging stages, as an idea and as movement, was sparked by the consciousness of Black/African youth to the degradation and the ill-treatment of Blacks within the Diaspora, how will the movement re-ignite itself in a society where the notions of Pan-Africa are only but an idea of the past and not needed for current and future endeavors?

V. Conclusion

Although four hindrances were discussed throughout this paper— 1) African/African-American Stereotypes, Stigmas and Biases 2) Africa as Sub-Saharan 3) Inter-regional Integration/Cooperation (or lack thereof): The N.A.A.C.P and the African Union and 4) Barack Obama and the Myth of a Post-Racial Society, the foundations of this research will serves as a blueprint for future analysis on the modern hindrances of Pan-Africanism in the 21st century. Therefore, by addressing these hindrances are only but an attempt to reawaken and rehabilitate the Movement that is Pan-Africanism.

Sources:

Cohen, C. J. (2011). Millenials & the Myth of the Post-Racial Society: Black Youth, Intra-generational Divisions and the Continuing Racial Divide in American Politics. 140, pp. 197-205.

Esedebe, O. P. Pan-Africanism: The Idea and Movement 1776-1963. District of Columbia , Washington , 1982: Howard University Press .

Fair, J. E. (1993). War, Famine and Poverty: Race in the Construction of Africa’s Media Image . Journal of Communication Inquiry , 5-22.

Mahadeo, M. &. (2007 ). Media representations of Africa: Still the same old story? (Vol. 4). Policy & Practice: A Development Education Review.

National Association for the Advancement of Colored People . (n.d.). Retrieved from NAACP: http://www.naacp.org

Onyeani, C. (2009 ). Contemptuousness of ‘Sub-Saharan Africa. Retrieved from African News World: The #1 News about Africa: www.africannewsworld.com/2009/07/contemptuousness-of-sub-saharan-africa.html

The African Union: A United and Strong Africa . (n.d.). (T. A. Commission, Producer) Retrieved from http://www.au/int/en/

Walters, R. W. (1993). Pan-Africanism in the African Diaspora . Detroit , Michigan , United States of America: Wayne State University Press .

 

 

 

The Miseducation of Post-Racialism

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The pejorative term that is ‘post-racial’ has seemingly been a common fixture in American society since the emergence of President Barack Hussein Obama, as the first African-American president. Though representing a milestone in race-relations, the notions of race-transcendence has become an ingrained fallacy in the minds of many – especially in some representatives of the American political spectrum, who believe that the hostilities of race are less blatant and a kind-of, sort-of socio-economic and political playing field has been provided to the historically disenfranchised and perpetually marginalized. With this ideology, the notions of post-racialism and universalism are now applied, and the race-specific and civil rights policies that many African-Americans fought and died for are now becoming diluted.

For example, most recently in April, the U.S. Supreme Court upheld the University of Michigan’s ban on affirmative action in public college admissions, which ultimately thwarts the diversity-flow in its school. In 2013, the Supreme Court also abolished the Section 4 preclearance of the Voting Rights Act of 1965, which now allows nine Southern states the ability to alter their voting regulations without federal approval.

With these subsequent color-blind changes in civil rights policies, it is a fear among many African-Americans that these initiatives in the future will ultimately be castrated; thus possibly inversing African-American rights to that of the state prior to which these policies were instituted.

The call for post-racial policies aims to be a tool to transcend the notions of race under the guise of ‘progressive’ politics. Race-neutral politics essentially promotes a newly-found universality, in which everyone is considered to be politically, socially and economically inclusive, centered and where race-specific initiatives are excluded from the political conversation. The question that must be answered is: who is ultimately benefitting from these so-called progressive/race-neutral policies? Certainly not members of the Black community.  Just as political scientist and author Frederick C. Harris states in his book, ‘The Price of the Ticket: Barack Obama and the Rise and Decline of Black Politics” “not every issue facing Black communities fits under the rubric of universalism.” (Harris, 2012) Although Harris notes that issues such as access to healthcare or ‘tuition free-education at public colleges and universities” (Harris, 2012) are clearly inclusive to all Americans, he also poses excellent questions to combat the idealism of universal politics when made applicable to the Black community.

He writes:

But what should be the political strategy for issues that overwhelmingly disproportionately affect blacks such as mass incarceration? What, for instance, would a national anti-racial profiling act – a law that would ban [and] prohibit police from profiling individuals because of their race – look like under the principle of universalism? Does the principle of color-blindness in advocating issues and policies that are rooted in racial bias actually continue to perpetuate racial inequality by ignoring it or burying it under the rug? And does ignoring the persistence of racial inequalities capitulate to the idea that the United States has become a color-blind society, a concept that declares that race does not – or should not – matter in law and policymaking?” (Harris, 2012)

Ultimately, with this new wave of policymaking, a non-racialized or deracialized approach to politics is applied; essentially disregarding and “disrupting the observance of [racism]” (Gilroy, 11) as a perpetually crippling phenomenon in an institutionally racist American paradigm. These policies also ignore the historical remnants and current manifestations of systematic racism against African-Americans, which is embedded in every facet of society. Therefore, the absence of race-consciousness is therefore racism, as it denies social justice to those deliberately, historically and consistently bastard by the system. (Morris, 2014)

If race-consciousness and race-specifity were acknowledged in the American political sphere, it would imply a systematic flaw within the societal, political and economic paradigm of the United States, and not merely a defect in some of the individuals that comprise it – which is why race-specifity will not be applied on a universal scale. (Morris, 2014) Therefore, to many scholars, the call for post-racialism is not a call for post-Jew; post-Hispanic/Latino; post-Asian/Pacific Islander; post-gender; post-women’s rights or post-immigration or post-LGBTQA (because the rights of those listed are currently recognized and not mitigated) but rather post-Black — as it aims to deny historical and contemporary white supremacy as a ramification(s) for the present socio-economic and political prejudices and inequities many African-Americans still face in 2014.

But many will disagree to this reasoning  and will cry and apply the ideologies of liberalism and behavioralism as the reasoning for the current state of many African-Americans; citing perhaps lack of productivity, laziness, idleness, inferiority, ignorance, preference for leisure and instant gratification as to why many people of color are in the predicament they are presently in. But can lack of productivity incite perpetual gentrification or the mass closures of schools in urban America? What about the increase in prisons and the mass incarceration of Black males? How about a crippling education system in predominately Black communities? Is the contemporary resegregation of schools also attributed to lack of Black productivity? What about stop and frisk? Oh, and can someone explain what has caused African-American unemployment to double that of white-Americans in the last five years, even if the African-American is college-educated? Is this attributed to Black idleness and inferiority too?

And post-racial policies are to be applied when these issues in the Black community continue to be overlooked and unaddressed?

Post-racial my ass.

 

References:

Giloy, P. (2000). Against Race: Imagining Poltical Culture Beyond the Color Line . Boston : Harvard University Press .

Harris, F. C. (2012). The Price of the Ticket: Barack Obama and the Rise and Decline of Black Politics . Oxford: Oxford University Press .

Morris, L. (2014 ). Introduction to Black Politics: Graduate Course Notes . Howard University, Department of Political Science .

 

The Art of Child’s Play: The True Essence of the 2013 Government Shutdown

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Today, Tuesday, October 1st, 2013, marks a pivotal and historic event in American history as the United States government—the superpower of the world, the hegemon—has shut down yet again. Inciting mass panic, hysteria and even disgust by many Americans, the central and crucial issue of the shutdown stems from President Barack Obama’s healthcare plan; more commonly known as Obamacare but formally known as the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act.

The Affordable Care Act which is one of the major initiatives of the Obama administration, calls for all Americans to have health insurance. Those in concordance with the Affordable Care Act  in the Senate, insist that the Act will prevent Americans with preexisting conditions from being denied health insurance; while the GOP dominated House argues that it will be an economic detriment to American society.

Though the last government shutdown occurred seventeen years ago during the Clinton administration for 21 days in 1995 (and the current shutdown marks the twelfth in the nation’s history), what makes this shutdown so unique is not so much the policies of the event but the staunch and blatant ideologies and belief systems of Congress; which has caused the government to essentially spiral into a political stalemate.

Although many are divided within this sectarian political charade, I submit to  you that this unnecessary government shutdown is nothing but mere child’s play; it is remedial and elementary at best. In this case of “politics”, we are not seeing American leaders but children; as the emerging leaders of the world watch while Congress gets paid to play recess on a pitiful playground full of bottomless antics while over 800,000 Americans are furloughed. This also does not include the millions denied of government amenities which includes access to loans, passports and even food stamps.

Though many claim that the economic effects of the shutdown will not be grave if it is only a few days, others like Moody’s Analytics economist Brian Kessler ” estimates that a three- to four-week shutdown would cost the economy about $55 billion.” (CNN)

Now, don’t get me wrong—the ideologies of both Republicans and Democrats have been specific and blatant in times past but this shutdown is so very reminiscent of this Romeo and Juliet; Capulet and Montague; West Side Story; Jets vs. Sharks ordeal. Though this shutdown won’t lead to the suicide or death of the American government, the state of our nation has surely been in the truest sense, coma-induced.

In this situation, the Darwinist approach of survival of the fittest—or in this case, “survival of the parties”—can be applied: as the American public; those internationally and even Congress itself is vying to see what party will outlast each other until it gets what it wants.

It is in my honest opinion, though the House claims that Obamacare will supposedly damage the American system, I submit to you that it is not so much the objectives of Obamacare that they are trying to resist but instead who is pushing the agenda. Essentially, it seems as if the House is fighting the President more so than the bill itself--especially since Obamacare will not be killed because of the government shutdown.

According to CNN/ORC International poll that was released on Monday, “found that 46% will blame congressional Republicans if the government closes it doors, while 36% saying that the president would be more responsible and 13% pointing fingers at both.” (CNN)

The individualistic and non-collectivist mindset of Congress has caused for an irrational execution of American government and has left many wondering about the state of the nation.

If the 2013 Government Shutdown represents the zenith of this discord between House vs. Senate, it is critical to wonder how the rudimentary actions of Congress will further progress and critically affect the future politics of the United States of America.

Source:

CNN: http://www.cnn.com/2013/09/30/politics/government-shutdown-up-to-speed/index.html

While Miley is Twerking, A War is Brewing

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While many were caught-up in Miley Cyrus’s raunchy and rather embarrassing twerking fiasco at the MTV Video Music Awards last Sunday and the cultural appropriation behind her performance, a bigger issue should have been on the forefront of society’s agenda; such as the possibility of a World War III brewing among the world powers that be.

Last week, speculations and rumors of war were spreading like wildfire as numerous accusations of democide were thwarted against Syria and its leader, Bashar al-Assad.

On Wednesday, August 24th, Doctors Without Borders, an international medical humanitarian organization, accused Assad and his regime of using chemical warfare against their own people—allegedly killing 355 people in Syria’s capital, Damascus. Since then, other figures have been rolling in from the U.S. government and the Syrian National Coalition, claiming that the death toll is well over 1,400. Within this estimate, the United States claims that 426 children died from the chemical warfare.

Though Assad claims these allegations to be false and the rebels are to blame, the United States and the United Kingdom are geared to intervene and take military action against Syria; in which Assad has been quoted in saying that Syria, “will [defend] itself against any aggression.”

This situation outweighs Miley’s wack twerking any day.

With Britain’s Prime Minister David Cameron losing Commons vote to intervene in the conflict and President Barack Obama awaiting Congressional authority to yay or nay an attack, the world can hold its breath–but ever so slightly.

Though many people’s opinions are polarized, (including mine), some find this issue all too reminiscent of the “Weapons of Mass Destruction” phase of the Bush Jr. administration. And what price did the nation pay for that war? Economic stress, senseless deaths and political aggravation.

And note, the weaponry has still not been found.

Without substantial and complete knowledge of the truth and a thorough investigation, many believe it is in our best interest to not move forward unless the facts are in order.

Although, Secretary of State John Kerry claims that the United States has firm evidence that sarin gas was used in the chemical attack, the United States must also recognize the cost of its actions before interceding.

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The government cannot rely solely on military intervention to fully alleviate and diminish the true essence of the underlying strife in Syria. It will take more than removing Assad to alleviate the social, economic, political tension and corruption. Just as in times past (i.e. Afghanistan and Iraq), once there is an intervention, the United States will have custody on how to solve and resolve both the external and internal issues within Syria—which may take the same length, if not more, than the war in Iraq.

And that is a liability that I am not sure that we are ready for.

But on the other hand, if the claims and the accusations are true, how would the United States be perceived by its own civilians and others internationally, if no intervention was made? The delay in American intermediation has already caused many, domestically and internationally, to look at the Obama administration with disdain for not immediately aiding those suffering under the Assad establishment.

Elizabeth Palmer, a reporter for CBS News, quoted the spokesperson for the Syrian Military Council, an opposition group in Syria, who said this:

“We no longer account on America or any other country. We only count on ourselves and on our rebels. We now realize that the whole world is mocking us—mocking our feelings and mocking our blood.”

The United States is definitely stuck in a rock and a hard place.

But while we are there, somewhere in America, Miley is twerking…

Twerk Miley, Miley, twerk. 

Sources:

http://abcnews.go.com/International/wireStory/wide-range-death-tolls-alleged-syria-gassing-20126838

http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-politics-23892783

http://www.cbsnews.com/8301-3460_162-57600900/u.s-has-firm-evidence-sarin-gas-was-used-in-syria-chemical-weapons-attack-sec-kerry-says/